Knowledge Is Not Understanding
A Plea for Hope, and for Trust in People
“Where shall wisdom be found? and where
is the place of understanding?”
What I shall deal with here is, Why hope is justified,
a hope that so much that is irrational and unjust in our present
societies can be changed for the better.
And this not by experts and “leaders” empowering themselves
and claiming a paternalistic monopoly of their strata to devise solutions
and make decisions. But by the disempowered, the so-called common people
– once they engage on a path towards self-emancipation. Once they have
trust in, rely on and deepen their understanding of the problems of society
and the world. Once they have the courage to listen carefully to each other,
to speak unafraid, to deliberate, to decide rather than continue apathetically
or obediently or with gullible minds, as subjects of rulers or of depressing
circumstances where we still find many of them waiting, very often, for
secular saviors.
In a book called Job we find the words just quoted:
“Where shall wisdom be found? and where is the place of understanding?”
No matter how (or “where”) we position ourselves, no matter
whether we think of ourselves as Jews or Gentiles, as Christians or Muslims,
as socialists (quarreling, among each other, about the proper road to socialism,
and how to define that), regardless of whether we are Buddhists or Sufis
or Sikhs, respect Zoroaster or rever the Pacha Mama, Afro-American deities
prayed to in Haiti, or protective spirits transformed into Catholic saints
in the Congo, the words just quoted may be worth thinking about. Wisdom,
it seems, is not quite the same as understanding. And understanding
is something very different from simply abstract knowledge.
It is more existential, tied to experience. I have known
that for long. Recently, somebody else, Manfred Max-Neef, reminded us again
of it. The words quoted are spoken by Job – a symbolic figure of a “sacred,”
that is to say, revered text that forms part of the Jewish socio-cultural
tradition. Job suffered a lot. Suffering is an especially intense experience,
and the words he finds, reflect his experience.
As is typical for a religious text, Job ascribes wisdom
and understanding to “god”: it is the mythical language of his era. But
the way he characterizes wisdom and understanding is significant. “The
depth saith, It is not in me: and the sea saith It is not in me.”
This characterization is, above all, negative; it says what
wisdom and understanding are not, or (if the metaphorical
level is not transcended) “where” wisdom and understanding
are not found, because it is so apparently impossible to
fix them concretely, filling them with concrete content or offering a fixed
definition. But there is something, still, that is said about them, that
we learn about wisdom and understanding when we hear, in this metaphorical
language, where they are not – even though we could
expect them, most of all, there. For, implicitly, there is a comparison
involved in this. The sea and the depth which are described as inadequate
similes, are nonetheless not entirely unlike
wisdom and understanding. For they are indeed, for the author or authors
of the book of Job (and listeners or reader of the text, at that time),
close to being endless. Wisdom and understanding tend in this direction;
if we want to understand what they are, it helps us to think of endlessness,
of the unfathombable as a quality of depth,
and of the eternal motion as well as the metaphoric (as well as psychically
perceived) endlessness of the sea. Something we experience when we face
it, at the coast, regarding its wide expanse.
In the context of the classical Chinese Taoist tradition,
we find a famous philosopher, Chuangtse, saying something very much the
same as the passage found in the book of Job that I have referred to. We
can critique both Job’s and Chuangtse’s position as mythical and therefore,
an expression of irrationalism. But I think the rational core is noteworthy:
in contrast to my knowledge of, say, the stipulations of
a law dealing with insolvency, or with ignoring the right of way of another
driver (a knowledge that does not presuppose a lot of experience on the
part of him or her who memorizes the respective paragraphs), understanding
and its deeper, more far reaching variety, wisdom,
do not only depend on existential experience; they are also, in a sense,
open-ended, never unaffecting by further experience that is “added”
and integrated in an ongoing life. Without wanting to subscribe to post-modern
and deconstructive analysis, I am prepared to agree with thinkers such
as Jacques Derrida, in this one respect. Not only is democracy an unfinished,
open-ended, perpetual process. But so is human experience
and the insight, the understanding –
and its full, also calm and serene variety evolving at some point in the
life of some people, ‘wisdom’: They are non-reifiable ‘things’
that are absorbed in concrete situations and that are also developing,
in the minds and ways of living of people who
are relating not just to people in the abstract sense of
the word (i.e., to just anybody, to ‘average’ people, if there is
anything like that) BUT to very concrete people. In other words, there
is something received, something ‘suffered’
under concrete circumstances, to these ‘things’ called insight,
understanding, wisdom. And there is that active component:
the creative and reflective process that integrates and ‘processes’ and
transforms the received or ‘suffered,’ that ‘digests’
the input of history, the input owed to social relations and to the nature
we face, as humans. It’s a continuing learning process, and it never leads
to absolute, unquestionable truth.
That does not mean that there is no historic truth that
we can grasp and express, in a given situation. But the understanding or
comprehension thereof is asymptotic. And the possibility that we err and
that future experience will disprove us and our grasp of such truth, should
make us milder, more ready to listen to very different views, and able
to concede that perhaps some day it will be shown that others were closer
to ‘the truth’ than we were.
We all, as humans, experience; we all form
insights, and we all develop one kind of understanding
or another. Various intensities, various depth of insight occur. The seemingly
brightest, clever enough to assemble knowledge and to employ that knowledge
gainfully, may not necessarily be the ones who are most able to ‘understand’
situations and Others. Their understanding can remain rather partial; even
superficial and abstract, one-dimensional, soaked with ‘instrumental reason.’
Instrumental reason tends to bury or deform one’s internal awareness of
interpersonal relationships, the awareness of the existential needs of
Others; it clouds empathy or even kills off what, as a human potential,
a tender plant blooming in every one, needs to be nourished.
This refers perhaps most of all to the clerks of our present-day
rulers, easily won-over experts who know on which side their bread is buttered.
They can include journalists, philosophers, physicists, engineers, and
economists.
But can we idealize those which the media referred to
so often as the silent majority, those who are sometimes referred to as
the common people, the grass roots? Is it good, at any rate, to idealize?
I remember that as a child I often heard my father say
that the greatest foe of mankind is man’s stupidity. He backed it up with
memories of personal experience. In the early 1930s when Hitler had not
yet been named head of government of the Weimar Republic (its prime minister,
a position referred to, in Germany, by the old-fashioned term “chancellor”)
by the right-wing, monarchist president, Mr. Hindenburg, my father, then
a young man in his early twenties, had often debated politics with other
young men in his neighborhood in Reinickendorf, a working-class and “lower
middle class” quarter adjacent to the more proletarian Wedding, in Berlin.
He embraced pacifist positions and it was apparent to him, at that time,
that a Hitler government (seen as a real but dangerous possibility by him)
would be bent on war. He knew the Nazi kids in his neighborhood well enough;
they knew where he stood politically and he knew where they stood. Each
one wanted to convince the other one of his position, I presume. My father
did not argue with them about the demagogic promises the Nazis made, their
pretense to be socialists, simply of the national sort rather than “without
loyalty to their country.” Hearing them talk enthusiastically about the
things the Fuehrer intended to do in order to cope with mass unemployment,
to do away with class privilege in favor of a ‘united German people’ (a
Volksgemeinschaft) etc., he would diplomatically say, “IF the Fuehrer is
going to do what you say he will do, I’ll join you.” “But,”
he added, “I think he’s bent on war.” They protested, “No,” they said,
“the Fuehrer is the safest guarantee of peace.” Apparently, they believed
that. When, six years after the election victory of the Nazis, war was
unleashed by the Nazi regime which had done away with democracy soon after
being voted into office, the atmosphere in Berlin was depressed. Even among
the minority of people in that Reinickendorf neighborhood who were Nazis.
That’s what my father remembered and spoke about, repeatedly, when I was
young. There was no exuberance, no chauvinist jubilation, of the sort experienced
when WWI was started.
It is difficult to say what had caused the strange blindness
of millions in Germany to the determination of those, in politics and industry,
who wanted to reverse the results of the Treaty of Versailles militarily
and who intended, from the very beginning, to embark on a course of war,
with clearly expansionist, imperialist aims. Those adversaries of Hitler
who had, like my left-wing father, read his Mein Kampf ,
who had listened to Mr. Goebbels speaking during election campaigns, who
had studied their press and who were able to read between the lines, could
neither overlook the fact that Nazi rule would mean nothing good
for Germans of Jewish background, nor could they close their eyes to the
danger of war. That leftists would be persecuted, should the fascists win,
was also quiet clear. I think it saved my father’s neck that he was respectful
rather than insulting, when discussing politics with kids he had known
long before they got involved in the Nazi “movement.” That respect remained
a mutual facet of their relationship. Years later, when war was under way,
my father had the feeling that they wanted to tell him, “yes, you were
right”. And the Nazis back in Reinickendorf sent him parcels when he was
a soldier deployed in Russia. I don’t know whether they did it while he
was still a member of a penal company. Or after that company had been wiped
out, except for five wounded survivors, which then lead to my father’s
“rehabilitation” for supposedly having shown courage, an assumption he
disputed.
My father remembered other examples of human stupidity
from that time. For instance, the fact that, soon after the Nazi take-over
in 1933, the mother of his two closest friends said to her husband while
listening to Hitler speaking on the radio, that Hitler was “really so right”
about what he was saying; she could completely agree with him. She was
married to a well-off, educated person, a pleasant and polite and generous
man, who had been an officer in the imperial army and won a medal of courage
( the so-called “iron cross, first class” ) during the Great War. My father
remembered that when he went out with his friends, their dad would always
give to each of them, my father included, quite politely a five Mk. coin,
something like five silver dollars, which was a lot of money in those days.
This mentally quite liberal, secular man felt very much that he was a German,
and certainly he was a nationalist, though not of the extreme right. Just
like his sons or my father, he had no sympathies for Hitler, that much
was clear. Perhaps one factor why he resented the Nazis was their anti-semitism.
They defined him as Jewish. A few years after the exuberant exclamation
of his wife, he had to flee to Belgium. After the Nazis invaded Belgium,
they caught and murdered him, presumably in one of their death camps. The
blindness of his wife, married to a Jewish German she loved, is still quite
incomprehensible. For my father, it was just a further indication
of deeply rooted human stupidity.
There were other tales I heard when I was 4, 5, 10, 12,
14. How, stationed in Moss, Norway, he, a soldier of the lowest rank, a
recruit, was standing or sitting in a small group of other soldiers of
his unit. The radio was on, either Goering, the field marshall responsible
for the air force, or Goebbels, who was responsible for propaganda, I don’t
remember who, was shouting, “We are going to ‘coventrize’ their cities.”
It was just after the terrible bombing of Coventry had happened. My dad
said, very thoughtfully, “But it will all come back…” The others broke
out in laughter. They were younger than my father; perhaps, on average,
ten years younger, for he was already 29 when the war broke out and he
was drafted. My father said that to him it was clear then that the U.S.
(an ally of Britain long before they joined the anti-fascist camp openly,
in 1941) were churning out planes as fast as possible and that the waning
of Nazi air superiority would be only a question of time. It was a comforting
thought that the regime would not last. But just as he had foreseen with
open eyes that the Nazi election victory would bring dictatorship and war,
he foresaw the Allied air raids on Germany and the price the population
would have to pay. Not just Nazis, every one. He said, the fact that
his ‘buddies’ did not take him seriously that day but laughed, perhaps
saved his life. He could have been court-martialed and shot, for that remark.
But something else worried him even more: the extent to
which seeming initial ‘success’ of the Nazi regime had made the population
so blind. Especially the young ones. I know from books that less than 50
percent of the electorate voted for the Nazi ticket in 1933 and Hitler
had depended on the support of a coalition partner, the German National
People’s Party. But later on, when an industrial boom triggered to a large
extent by increased arms production and thus war preparation drove unemployment
figures down, and then of course especially after the rapid defeat of France,
every observer could see that the Nazi regime enjoyed the greater or lesser
support of more and more people. In fact, of the majority.
Being utterly disillusioned, even about former comrades
(many of whom, he says, joined the ranks of Nazi organizations), my father
estimated that 90 per cent of the German population turned into Nazis:
many for opportunistic reasons, some, in order to save their skin. Strangely
enough, my father felt that those who had been “idealists” among the Nazi
kids in his largely blue-collar Berlin neighborhood deserved the most respect.
They had been the least dangerous to him, too. Those who, during the war
period, had clearly intended to see to it that he would die, had been middle
class people, with a ‘good’ educational backgound; people who had not necessarily
been convinced fascists in the first place but who ‘always and eveywhere’
in our societies sense which side is stronger and how to further their
careers.
I must admit here that I have great respect and understanding
for persons who, like my father under fascism, or like an old and close
friend who is also a lot older than me, under “real socialism,” have encountered
so many negative experiences that they turned very skeptical and pessimistic,
with regard to their fellow-men. Of course, there exist lots of reasons
for skepticism, if not pessimism, and optimism and a trust in the
goodness of man that can be very naïve.
And still, as a child, confronted with the disillusionment
of my father in his later (post-1945) life, as to the possibilities of
human emancipation, I have always been able to see the other side of it.
Yes, I agreed with him when, as a 14-year-old, I had looked
so arrogant while hearing the story of, how my mother, just 8 years old
in 1933, had corrected her mother, then already a widow,
“You can’t say, ‘Have a good day’, mummy! You should say, ‘Heil Hitler’.”
My father, unusually sharp and cold suddenly, had retorted, “You would
have been the first to shout Heil.” I had felt shame, because I comprehended
immediately than I could not know how I would have behaved, unless I had
been in that situation at that time, And I
understood, vaguely, that according to what my father had witnessed, it
was especially the young and gullible who could be affected most easily
by the propaganda of the regime. Later on, I saw how, in addition to her
young age, the lack of a father had probably been a factor in my mother’s
case; the word of male teachers carried greater weight than those of a
cleaning and washer woman who had a very hard time to maked ends meet and
earn the bread for her two daughters and herself. This working-class woman,
my grandmother,was a person I always loved very much. She had grown up
in a village at the Eastern slopes of the Harz mountains and, like all
children in the village, was the kid of landless laborers who worked the
fields and tended the horses and other animals of the local count residing
high up in his Falkenstein castle. She had attended the village school,
learned the three Rs and jingoist songs about general Bluecher defeating
the French, and the church catechism, of course. And then, at 14; she had
been given away to the village parson, as a servant. Treatment there, by
the parson’s wife and the parson, had distanced her from the church. Though
her family had scant food and was happy she could eat at the parson’s house,
she would return home each day to eat there, because she was given spoiled
food by the parson’s wife. Two years later, at age 16, she started to work
as a servant for a bourgeois Jewish family in Halle-on-the-Saale. These
were her best years, and she oftened wondered, when I was a kid, what had
happened to them. Whether they still had been able to leave the country
after 1933 or were murdered. My grandmother’s father was used to caring
for the count’s horses at 6 in the morning, before having breakfast and
then working in the fields, a work interrupted by a two-hour break at noon,
and lasting till 6 p.m. and perhaps, if necessary, longer. He was apolitical
but his brother had joined the social democrats before the Great War and
sometimes came and tried to win him over. A nephew of my grandmother joined
the workers’ uprising in 1923 and was among those fighters who were shot
by the right-wing, paramilitary Freikorps members at Hettstett when they
surrendered. What I loved about my grandmother were the stories she told
me when we washed the dishes together after the family had lunch. She recalled
how she, a woman married to a young man who had to go to war, joined
the other servant girls in that small town were she lived, and ran with
them to the Bismarck tower overlooking the city where a jingoist
“victory celebration” was taking place in 1914. And she told me how her
young husband, a wood-industry worker, a carpenter as well as an electrician
and, above all, a social-democrat, had told her when he was coming home
having been granted a short leave from the front, how stupid this was and
what a madness and crime the entire war was. She had felt ashamed. She
never went again, to these things. She supported him during the Great Carpenter’s
Strike, in the regional furniture and wood industry but that was after
the war. And all through the Hitler years, this ill-educated woman never
believed one word the Nazis said. Nor did she, once, say or feel compelled
to say ‘Heil Hitler.’ There was nothing that could threaten her, and she
wanted nothing from them. It was the teacher wanting to keep his job, the
public servant dreaming of being promoted who, for opportunistic reasons,
joined the Nazi party soon after the Nazis took over in ‘33. And, yes,
I heard, from my father, that in Berlin entire shawm bands
of the Red Combatants’ Federation joined the Nazi organization known as
the SA, in the spring and summer of that year. For me, as an adolescent,
my grandmother was living proof that integrity did not depend on the degree
of formal learning. And her life’s experience and the lively way she talked
about it, kept me from ever thinking she was dumb or unthinking. The high
school and university education gave me a chance to know a few things she
did not know about. But so what? Was she more stupid? No. Did she
understand a lot, about the world? Well, perhaps it is okay to recount
the following in place of an outright answer. In the early 1960s, still
in the days prior to the Willy Brandt government, it was television she
liked to watch upstairs, in the apartment where my aunt and uncle lived
(for my father refused to buy a tv set). At the time, public television
in Germany breathed the spirit of the Cold War. I once watched the news
with her, and they talked about Cuba. I asked her, “What do you think about
Fidel Castro?” She replied: “Ich glaube schon, dass der was fuer die kleinen
Leute tut.” (“Well, I think in fact that he’s really doing something
for the common people.”) - You can say about that reply what you want.
For me, it proved that she formed her own opinion, against the prevalent
trend. She “read between the lines” and she watched pictures of people
on television and used her innate sense; she had a feeling for people,
reading in their faces, listening to what they said and how they said it,
noticing the almost imperceptible. The commentator’s voice-over didn’t
impress her much when she noticed what she saw, about Cuba, at the time.
I also remember something else that I love her for. It was around about
1968, perhaps 1970, and I was a student and euphoric in some respects,
because a lot of students had become aware of so many absurdities and wrongs
that characterized the world we had inherited and the times we were a part
of. I probably talked to my grandmother on that day which I remember about
my hopes for a just and more solidary society. A revolution, perhaps. She
looked at me, and said, with something in her voice and eyes that created
a sudden distance, “And then, you will be our bosses.” There
was the gulf, for seconds, between us, not between grandmother and
grandchild, but between two people belonging, it must have seemed to her
at that moment, to two different worlds or classes. I could sense her anticipation
of a social change that would replace one form of rule which disempowered
her and her class, by another kind of rule: “ours.” Yes, she saw me as
part of this class or stratum of university-educated people who embrace
left ideas about justice and freedom and who would, she thought, if successful
in their endeavours, lord it some day over her and her likes. I loved her
and still love her now that it’s already so long ago that she died. But
I also felt she was right; the danger she saw has existed and continues
to exist, and the examples of times and places where exactly what she feared
has happened are well known. There never should be any doubt about this,
that a government which governs in the name of the disempowered but does
not involve them actively in decision-making processes and does not, thus,
empower them, is no government of the people. The populace. Those even
now disempowered.
It is true that my father moved from being an activist
involved in the project of working-class emancipation and resistance to
fascism and war, to a position of positive and committed activity in the
‘little world’ he could touch with his hands. Great change, DIE GROSSE
VERAENDERUNG, seemed condemned to failure, not due to the innate evil of
men (because he believed in the potential for the good and the bad in every
one). But due to the overwhelming and persisting stupidity of the overwhelming
majority. He would also phrase it differently, speaking of the shortcomings
of all of us, DIE UNZULAENGLICHKEIT DES MENSCHEN.
My grandmother, her example, gave me courage and the ability
to resist pessimism and the cloud that hovered around and above me, very
early on: I refer to the effects of my father’s disillusionment with the
orthodox left. It is true that in his active life, he was much better adapted
to many things than I ever was; he was hard-working and more practical.
Not just as a bread-winner. But in a very wide sense, with regard to the
awareness of the needs of Others. Saving a teen-age boy who was aflame,
when a cooker had exploded on a camp site, because of the cook's stupidity.
He saw and recognized immediately what was happening. It was my dad’s fast
reaction then, taking a woolen blanket, running after the boy who was heading
for the river he could never have reached, that saved the kid’s life. Throwing
him down and extinguishing the flames with the blanket. Enabling the boy’s
relative to live and eat, free of any obligation or charge, in our rented
apartment when that boy, from Denmark, was hospitalized in our town’s local
hospital for 2 or 3 months. This is just a small example, and to me it
shows that his bleak view regarding man’s imperfection, widespread stupidity,
and the chance of man’s (theoretically possible) emancipation did not keep
him from acting positively. He was no misanthropic old man and no disappointed
left revolutionary who in disgust would turn to the extreme right, as quite
a few others have done and continue to do. He remained a pacifist, and
cherished the democracy in the West, despite its shortcomings, and without
closing his eyes to the fact that so many former Nazis continued their
career in the judiciary, the police, the military, the foreign office,
and secret service, and of course in industry, in this new West German
republic. They talk about that now, in 2010, as if it is a secret known
only now. But I knew it, in the 1950s, as a kid, and my father’s friends
knew it, and my mother, and my grandmother. My father is still someone
I think of warmly and with respect. But I disagreed and continue to disagree
with his pessismism that resulted from his disillusionments although I
don’t dispute that so much in his life as a politically active citizen
was disillusioning. To part with illusions is one thing; NOT TO LOSE HOPE,
the other. It is my grandmother’s example that gives me hope; yes, hope
in the decency and sensitivity and ability to understand so
much although they may know as yet so
little, that is found among the common people.
Perhaps the concrete and specific that I remember and
recount here, will sound trivial to many readers. So be it. It is nonetheless
part of my experience and echoes the experience of others. Above all of
a man born four years before that murderous Great War started. A man who,
in view perhaps of his class background, was quite unable to attend high
school at the time. And who still read Upton Sinclair and Sinclair Lewis,
Jack London and Traven and Dreiser and Dostoevsky. Who wrote poems and
studied all the volumes (three, mind you) of Das Kapital,
with his teachers, Kaethe and Herman Duncker, being one of less than half
a dozen who finished that course or project. After the war, applied what
he had learned about painting during evening classes at the art academy,
the Kunstgewerbeschule, in Charlottenburg. Did
oil paintings and earned enough in this way, to feed his young family.
Inspired a child, by his example, and by the way he said, Discover your
own way, develop you own view of things, read people expressing opposing
views, and then, THINK.
The other inspiration came from that grandmother, her
warmth, her love. People like that, decent people, exist. Everywhere. Just
look around wherever you are. That so many deformations also exist in us,
is no secret. But change is possible, understanding not separable from
opened eyes, open minds and an open, empathetic heart. And we can learn.
Yes, democracy is an unfinished process.
Let’s work for it, together.
Let’s attempt it, each one in search of his road, and
yet tied by his love and hope, to the Others, fellow-searchers, comrades,
friends.
Dec. 2010
Alicia Zukofsky is the author of The Man Who Invented Inline Skating
– a biographical novel about her father that is awaiting publication. Publishers
interested in acquiring exclusive rights for Austria, Germany and Switzerland
are invited to contact the editor of STREET VOICE.
Check...:http://www.democracynow.org/2011/2/17/democracy_uprising_in_the_usa_noam
Check: http://www.democracynow.org/2011/2/17/democracy_uprising_in_the_usa_noam
Go back to URBAN DEMOCRACY issue #
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LINKS
Greg
Sargent,"Wisconsin Dems 6. Wisconsin Republicans
0"
(On upcoming recall-elections)
backup
copy
BBC on Wisconsin (Feb.
18, 2011)
Democrats
flee Wisconsin Senate to slow anti-union bill
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copy
Matthew Cardinale,
"New
and
Old US Groups Forge Broad Alliances"
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copy
Local to global.org
www.localtoglobal.org
Left Forum
www.leftforum.org
Richard
Luecke, "Saul Alinsky: Homo Ludens for Urban
Democracy"
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issue
John
E. Jacobsen, "Wall Street Already Finding
Loopholes in Financial Reform Legislation"
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copy
Louise
Story, "A Secretive Banking Elite Rules Trading in Derivatives"
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Slate.com
Readers'
comments on
Obama's
tax cut for the rich
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Tom
Hayden, "The Defunding
of the Peace Movement"
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Not in our name
www.notinourname.net
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copy
DISARM NOW
disarm now
"Former
US Attorney General Testifies for Plowshares Activists"
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Justice with Peace
(United for Justice with Peace
Coalition)
www.justicewithpeace.org
Democracy real YA!
http://www.democraciarealya.es
Manifesto of
Democracia real YA!
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copy
DemocraciarealYa
Sevilla (29-5-2011)
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copy
Suite 101. net
http://www.suite101.net
Carolina
Castañeda López,
La
"Spanish Revolution" y los movimientos sociales en la red
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Lola
Romero Gil, Movimientos ciudadanos, la red se mueve
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Lola
Romero Gil, "Una semana
de España acampada, por la democracia
real"
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copy
Al Ahram Weekly
http://weekly.ahram.org.eg
Galal Nassar,
"The
Arab Spring and the crisis of the elite"
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copy
Al MasryAlyoum.com
http://www.almasryalyoum.com
Mohamed
Azouz, Egypt govt mulls
raising workers' incentives
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Ahmad
Fouad Najem, "Forbidden"
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copy
Heinz
Dieterich, "Transición
al Socialismo del Siglo XXI: avances en Europa
y Asia"
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copy
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www.alternativeweb.es
Esther Vivas
http://esthervivas.wordpress.com/
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copy
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copy (doc.file)
www.anticapitalistas.org
Retos anticapitalistas
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K21
(Stuttgart)
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Demokratie
ohne Parteien?
Eine
ganz reale Utopie-
Ein Gespräch mit der Schriftstellerin
Juli Zeh
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Hans Herbert von Arnim, kritischer Verfassungsrechtler,der
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Libcom.org, Theses
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